From Quotas to Parity: 30 Years of Reforms
By Karolina Gilas, professor at FCPyS UNAM, member of the Observatory of Political Reforms in Latin America and the Women in Political Science Network #NoSinMujeres.
The political representation of women in Latin America has undergone a significant transformation over the last three decades. From Argentina's pioneering quota law in 1991 to recent parity reforms in several countries, the region has witnessed a dynamic process of change in its gender electoral regimes. The strength of the gender electoral regime, the commitment of electoral authorities, and the advocacy of feminist and women's movements have been key factors in advancing women's political representation (Freidenberg and Gilas 2022). This analysis examines the main trends in gender quota reforms in 18 Latin American countries from 1991 to 2021, based on data from the Observatory of Political Reforms in Latin America.
Frequency and Chronology of Reforms
The analyzed period spans 30 years, during which a total of 49 reforms were recorded in 18 countries. The frequency of these reforms has notably increased over time, reflecting a growing commitment to gender equality in political representation.
In the 1990s, 12 legislative changes (10 new laws and 2 reforms) were implemented in 10 countries, marking the beginning of the gender quota era in the region. The 2000s saw a slight increase, with 14 reforms in 10 countries. However, it was in the 2010s when a significant increase was observed, with 19 reforms in 14 countries. This trend seems to continue, as in just two years, 2020 and 2021, 4 reforms have already been recorded in 4 different countries.
This increase in the frequency of reforms suggests a growing awareness of the importance of women's political participation and a stronger political will to address gender inequality in the political sphere.
From Minimum Quotas to Parity
One of the most notable trends in these three decades has been the progression from minimum quotas to parity. In the 90s, most reforms established minimum quotas, generally 30% or less. Argentina, for example, established a 30% quota in 1991, followed by Mexico with a similar quota in 2002 and Honduras in 2000.
However, over time, there has been a clear trend towards higher quotas and, eventually, towards parity. Bolivia exemplifies this progression: the country started with a 30% quota in 1997 and, through six successive reforms, achieved full parity in 2010. Ecuador also showed rapid progression, moving from a 20% quota in 1998 to parity in 2009.
By 2021, 11 of the 18 countries analyzed had adopted parity (50%) in their latest reforms. These countries are Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, and Peru. This shift towards parity represents a significant advance in the region's commitment to gender equality in political representation.
Strengthening of Enforcement Mechanisms
Another crucial aspect in the evolution of gender quotas has been the strengthening of enforcement mechanisms. In the early years of reforms, many laws lacked strong enforcement mechanisms, which limited their effectiveness.
In the 1990s, only 4 of the 8 reforms had strong enforcement mechanisms. However, by the 2010s, 17 of the 25 implemented reforms had robust enforcement mechanisms. This change reflects a growing recognition that quotas alone are not sufficient if they are not accompanied by measures to ensure compliance.
The case of Mexico well illustrates this trend. In 2002, Mexico's quota law had weak enforcement mechanisms. However, by 2011, the country had adopted strong enforcement mechanisms. On the other hand, Argentina has maintained strong enforcement mechanisms since its first quota law in 1991, which could explain its success in increasing women's representation.
By 2021, 72% of the analyzed countries (13 out of 18) had strong enforcement mechanisms, which generally implies prohibiting the registration of lists that do not meet quota or parity requirements.
Towards Measures with Adjectives
As reforms have become more sophisticated, seeking to achieve greater effectiveness in advancing women's political representation, new concepts have emerged in the application of gender quotas. Initially, reforms focused on simple percentages of representation. However, over time, more complex concepts have been introduced such as vertical parity (in the integration of candidate lists), horizontal parity (in candidacies in single-member districts), and transversal parity (in the heading of candidate lists).
Venezuela was a country that adopted parity early (in 2005), although initially without strong enforcement mechanisms. Bolivia introduced horizontal and transversal parity in 2010, followed by Mexico, which adopted vertical, horizontal, and transversal parity in 2014. Ecuador added transversal parity to its already existing vertical parity in 2020.
By 2021, 33% of the analyzed countries (6 out of 18) had implemented some form of vertical, horizontal, or transversal parity requirements. These advances represent an attempt to address gender inequalities not only in terms of numbers but also in the quality of representation opportunities.
The analysis of 30 years of reforms in gender electoral regimes in Latin America reveals a clear trend towards greater inclusion and representation of women in politics. The region has moved from minimum quotas to parity, strengthened enforcement mechanisms, and introduced more sophisticated concepts to address gender inequalities in political representation. However, despite the general trend towards higher quotas and parity and stronger enforcement mechanisms, there are significant variations among countries in the region. Uruguay, for example, adopted a 33% quota only in 2009, making it a late adopter compared to its neighbors. Brazil, despite having adopted a quota in 1997, has maintained 30% without progressing towards parity. Costa Rica, in turn, quickly moved from a 40% quota in 1996 to parity in 2009, while Colombia adopted a minimum quota in 2011 and progressed towards parity in 2021, demonstrating rapid change in recent years.
The adoption of quotas or parity laws does not in itself guarantee equality or parity in legislative representation. Along with the design of the gender electoral regime, other factors such as political culture, party structures, and levels of political violence against women also play an important role. Moreover, the effective implementation of these laws remains a challenge in many countries, as evidenced by the literature (Freidenberg and Gilas 2022).
Despite these challenges, the progress achieved in the last three decades is undeniable. The fact that 61% of the countries in the region have adopted parity and that 72% have strong enforcement mechanisms evidences a significant regional commitment to gender equality in politics and has allowed the region to become the world leader in women's political representation, which now reaches 34% (IPU 2024).
Looking to the future, it will be crucial to monitor not only the adoption of new reforms and avoid setbacks in the progress achieved (as just happened in Peru, which eliminated parity), but also their effective implementation and their impact on the effective representation of women in legislative bodies. Furthermore, with the increase in women's presence in seats, attention should expand beyond numerical representation to address the structural and cultural barriers that still hinder the construction of parity democracies in Latin America. This includes addressing issues such as political violence against women, unequal access to campaign financing, and entrenched gender stereotypes in politics. Only by tackling these deeper issues can Latin America truly achieve the promise of parity democracy and ensure that the increased numerical women’srepresentation translates into substantive political influence and policy changes.
How to cite:
Gilas, Karolina (5 de agosto de 2024).From Quotas to Parity: 30 Years of Reforms. Blog #LABdata, Observatorio de Reformas Políticas en América Latina.
Download the dataset Reformas Políticas al Régimen Electoral de Género en América Latina